Difference between revisions of "Anarchy 66/Observations on Anarchy 62"

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{{tab}}{{w|Rousseau|Jean-Jacques_Rousseau}} was very well aware of this di&shy;lemma, al&shy;though he sug&shy;gested a Legis&shy;lator (!) as the way out for people en&shy;meshed <!-- 'emeshed' in original --> in a de&shy;struc&shy;tive so&shy;cial pro&shy;cess over which they had no con&shy;trol. Sub&shy;sti&shy;tute {{qq|anar&shy;chism}} for {{qq|law}} and this seems to sum up the situ&shy;a&shy;tion very well; {{qq|The so&shy;cial spirit, which should be cre&shy;ated by these in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions, would have to pre&shy;side over their very found&shy;a&shy;tion; and men would have to be before law, what they should be&shy;come by law}}.
 
{{tab}}{{w|Rousseau|Jean-Jacques_Rousseau}} was very well aware of this di&shy;lemma, al&shy;though he sug&shy;gested a Legis&shy;lator (!) as the way out for people en&shy;meshed <!-- 'emeshed' in original --> in a de&shy;struc&shy;tive so&shy;cial pro&shy;cess over which they had no con&shy;trol. Sub&shy;sti&shy;tute {{qq|anar&shy;chism}} for {{qq|law}} and this seems to sum up the situ&shy;a&shy;tion very well; {{qq|The so&shy;cial spirit, which should be cre&shy;ated by these in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions, would have to pre&shy;side over their very found&shy;a&shy;tion; and men would have to be before law, what they should be&shy;come by law}}.
  
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{{sig|{{w|Witney}}|[[Author:Carole Pateman|carole pateman]]{{tab}}}}
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| ''{{w|Witney}}''
 
| style="text-align:right;" | {{sc|[[Author:Carole Pateman|carole pateman]]}}{{tab}}
 
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{{p|s2}}{{sc|I enoyed the [[Anarchy 62/Anarchism as a theory of organisation|article]] in [[Anarchy 62|anarchy 62]]}} on anar&shy;chism as a theory of organ&shy;isa&shy;tion. It is of as&shy;sist&shy;ance in ap&shy;pre&shy;ci&shy;at&shy;ing some of the subtle&shy;ties of the anar&shy;chist point of view on so&shy;cial organ&shy;isa&shy;tion. As one might ex&shy;pect in the case of a short article on a ma&shy;jor sub&shy;ject, it leaves a good num&shy;ber of ques&shy;tions un&shy;an&shy;swered.
 +
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{{tab}}The must urgent one is simply the ques&shy;tion of the here and now. How do we begin now to cre&shy;ate a so&shy;ciety of per&shy;mis&shy;sive in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions?
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{{tab}}A proper an&shy;swer to this ques&shy;tion can only be reached if it is clearly under&shy;stood that, in fact, a so&shy;cial re&shy;volu&shy;tion is the com&shy;ing into being of new in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions which, in a longer or shorter time, be&shy;come the dom&shy;in&shy;ant forms of the so&shy;ciety. Move&shy;ments of pro&shy;test, demon&shy;stra&shy;tions, acts of viol&shy;ence in&shy;clud&shy;ing armed re&shy;volt, are use&shy;less for actu&shy;ally chan&shy;ging the con&shy;di&shy;tions of our lives un&shy;less they change the na&shy;ture of the in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions{{dash|so&shy;cial, eco&shy;nomic, and polit&shy;ical}}with&shy;in which we live. Deca&shy;dent, un&shy;satis&shy;fac&shy;tory in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions must be re&shy;vital&shy;ized, or new ones con&shy;struc&shy;ted.
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{{tab}}The start&shy;ing place is at the nexus of in&shy;tim&shy;ate per&shy;sonal rela&shy;tion&shy;ships of the in&shy;di&shy;vidual, which in our so&shy;ciety, as in all past human so&shy;ciety, has been the nuclear, con&shy;jugal family &hellip; or no&shy;thing. In other words, in our so&shy;ciety, urban&shy;ized and cap&shy;it&shy;al&shy;ist, the sole pro&shy;vi&shy;sions for the en&shy;cap&shy;sula&shy;tion of the in&shy;di&shy;vidual into stable so&shy;cial bonds is through the family. And this small model family which has emerged as typ&shy;ical of the West&shy;ern world is too often a com&shy;pletely un&shy;satis&shy;fac&shy;tory unit to sup&shy;port and nour&shy;ish the in&shy;di&shy;vidual. And for a very large pro&shy;por&shy;tion of the pop&shy;u&shy;la&shy;tion, chil&shy;dren and adults, there is no basis for family rela&shy;tion&shy;ships at all. This may arise from any num&shy;ber of causes: death of the par&shy;ents, separ&shy;a&shy;tion, widow&shy;hood, etc. The re&shy;sult then is an irony that may well ap&shy;peal to one with anar&shy;chist sens&shy;ibil&shy;it&shy;ies : the free in&shy;di&shy;vidual, torn loose from all sig&shy;nif&shy;i&shy;cant so&shy;cial rela&shy;tion&shy;ships, the help&shy;less vic&shy;tim of the cap&shy;it&shy;al&shy;ist and the state.
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{{tab}}The an&shy;swer pro&shy;vides us with the start&shy;ing place for the re&shy;build&shy;ing of so&shy;ciety. It must be surely to find an in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tional form which will sup&shy;ple&shy;ment or re&shy;place even&shy;tu&shy;ally the func&shy;tion of the family in rela&shy;tion to the in&shy;di&shy;vidual and so&shy;ciety: pro&shy;cre&shy;a&shy;tion, phys&shy;ical sup&shy;port, so&shy;cial&shy;iza&shy;tion, so&shy;cial inter&shy;course, ori&shy;ent&shy;a&shy;tion, etc. This form prob&shy;ably can&shy;not re&shy;con&shy;sti&shy;tute from the earlier days of man&shy;kind a blood or mar&shy;riage rela&shy;tion&shy;ship which will pro&shy;vide satis&shy;fac&shy;tor&shy;ily for all these things in our com&shy;plex so&shy;ciety. It will, I think, have to be a {{qq|con&shy;tract family}}. The rela&shy;tion&shy;ships under which man, woman and child can live to&shy;gether have to be re&shy;defined so that all the iso&shy;lated in&shy;di&shy;viduals of our so&shy;ciety can be re&shy;cre&shy;ated as so&shy;cial beings by be&shy;coming part of a tightly-<wbr>knit small group which will pro&shy;vide them with the es&shy;sen&shy;tial of a face-<wbr>to-<wbr>face com&shy;mun&shy;ity.
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{{tab}}To wean people away from their pres&shy;ent sup&shy;port of cur&shy;rent in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions by in&shy;tel&shy;lec&shy;tual argu&shy;ments is ex&shy;tremely dif&shy;fi&shy;cult. How&shy;ever un&shy;satis&shy;fac&shy;tory we can show them to be, they are yet fill&shy;ing needs in some fashion. We have got to be able to offer im&shy;medi&shy;ate bene&shy;fits in new in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions which will win sup&shy;port in this very con&shy;crete fashion. So&shy;cial in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tions are the ones we can work at first, leav&shy;ing the more dif&shy;fi&shy;cult polit&shy;ical and eco&shy;nomic ones until later after we have built a base from which we can func&shy;tion. As a matter of fact, it seems to me that the power of the cor&shy;por&shy;a&shy;tion and the state over the in&shy;di&shy;vidual is just so much greater in pro&shy;por&shy;tion as he is iso&shy;lated from close so&shy;cial {{qq|family}} inter&shy;course with a group of his fellows. It is dif&shy;fi&shy;cult {{p|245}}in that case to re&shy;sist ex&shy;ac&shy;tions of arbit&shy;rary treat&shy;ment.
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{{tab}}To sum up then, I am sug&shy;gest&shy;ing here that what can be done im&shy;medi&shy;ately to begin build&shy;ing a new so&shy;ciety is to begin the estab&shy;lish&shy;ment of new so&shy;cial bonds be&shy;tween in&shy;di&shy;viduals which will begin to pro&shy;vide the in&shy;sti&shy;tu&shy;tional frame&shy;work for the per&shy;form&shy;ance of the basic so&shy;cial func&shy;tions in which every in&shy;di&shy;vidual must parti&shy;cip&shy;ate or be iso&shy;lated and help&shy;less.
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{{sig|{{w|Don Mills|Don_Mills}}, {{w|Ontario}}|[[Author:Lloyd Sawyer|lloyd sawyer]]{{tab}}}}
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{{p|s3}}'''OBSERVA&shy;TIONS ON [[Anarchy 62/Anarchists and nuclear disarmers|ANARCHY 62]]:'''
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'''ANAR&shy;CHISTS AND NUCLEAR DIS&shy;ARMERS'''
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{{sc|Un&shy;fortun&shy;ately, the [[Anarchy 62/Anarchists and nuclear disarmers|article]]}} on ''Anar&shy;chists and Nuclear Dis&shy;armers'' was so in&shy;ac&shy;cur&shy;ate and so in&shy;com&shy;plete that it can&shy;not be taken as a seri&shy;ous con&shy;trib&shy;u&shy;tion to the sub&shy;ject.
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{{tab}}The anar&shy;chists are not unique in their early op&shy;posi&shy;tion to the use of {{w|nuclear weapons|Nuclear_weapon}}{{dash}}it is not true that {{qq|in&shy;formed opin&shy;ion of all parties, of all na&shy;tions, was satis&shy;fied that the A-<wbr>bomb was a de&shy;liver&shy;ance}}. The pacif&shy;ists, the liber&shy;tarian so&shy;cialists, and many others have been {{w|uni&shy;lat&shy;er&shy;al&shy;ist|Nuclear_disarmament}} as long as we have (the honour of mak&shy;ing the first pro&shy;test goes to the {{w|In&shy;de&shy;pend&shy;ent Labour Party|Independent_Labour_Party}}, who pub&shy;lished {{w|Bob Edwards|Bob_Edwards_(politician)}}{{a}} pamph&shy;let ''{{l|War on the People|https://www.worldcat.org/title/war-on-the-people-an-exposure-of-the-chemical-kings-and-their-nazi-associates/oclc/12012462}}'' in 1943{{dash}}two years before the {{w|Bomb was used|Atomic_bombings_of_Hiroshima_and_Nagasaki}}). Nor are the anar&shy;chists unique in their early pub&shy;lica&shy;tion of the ef&shy;fects of nuclear weapons{{dash}}it is not true that {{qq|they printed the facts while in&shy;formed opin&shy;ion was silent}} or that {{qq|in&shy;formed opin&shy;ion took years to catch up with the anar&shy;chists}}. The facts about the Bomb were pub&shy;lished by all kinds of papers, and were after all taken almost en&shy;tirely from of&shy;fi&shy;cial sources (the most im&shy;port&shy;ant of these were the {{w|Amer&shy;ican Gov&shy;ern&shy;ment|Presidency_of_Harry_S._Truman}}{{s}} ''{{w|Strategic Bombing Surveys|United_States_Strategic_Bombing_Survey}}'' of 1947).
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{{tab}}But above all, the article{{dash|de&shy;spite its title}}scarcely men&shy;tioned the sig&shy;nif&shy;i&shy;cant rela&shy;tion&shy;ship be&shy;tween the anar&shy;chists and the {{w|nuclear dis&shy;arm&shy;ers|Campaign_for_Nuclear_Disarmament}}. Anar&shy;chists have been in&shy;volved in the uni&shy;lat&shy;er&shy;al&shy;ist move&shy;ment through&shy;out the last dec&shy;ade, espe&shy;cially in the more rad&shy;ical sec&shy;tions of the move&shy;ment{{dash}}the {{w|Non-Violent Re&shy;sist&shy;ance Group|Operation_Gandhi}}, {{w|Pacif&shy;ist Youth Action Group|Peace_News}}, the {{w|Direct Action Com&shy;mit&shy;tee|Direct_Action_Committee}}, {{w|Polaris Action|Committee_for_Non-Violent_Action}}, the {{w|Com&shy;mit&shy;tee of 100|Committee_of_100_(United_Kingdom)}}, and so on. Some anar&shy;chists may be&shy;lieve that {{qq|an anar&shy;chist does not court ar&shy;rest}}, but there are other anar&shy;chists who have done so several times, and have played an active part in de&shy;velop&shy;ing the theory and prac&shy;tice of {{w|civil dis&shy;obe&shy;di&shy;ence|Civil_disobedience}}. The evid&shy;ence for this ap&shy;pears in many back num&shy;bers of {{w|{{sc|freedom}}|Freedom_(newspaper)}} and {{sc|anarchy}}.
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{{sig|{{w|London}}|[[Author:N.W.|{{sc|n.w.}}]]{{tab}}}}
 
</div>
 
</div>
  
 
{{DEFAULTSORT:Observations on anarchy 062}}
 
{{DEFAULTSORT:Observations on anarchy 062}}
 
[[Category:Anarchist philosophy]]
 
[[Category:Anarchist philosophy]]
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[[Category:Protest]]
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[[Category:Violence and nonviolence]]
 
[[Category:War and militarism]]
 
[[Category:War and militarism]]
 
[[Category:Letters to the editor]]
 
[[Category:Letters to the editor]]

Latest revision as of 18:10, 2 January 2019


243

Follow-up and argument:


s1
OBSERVA­TIONS ON ANARCHY 62:

ANAR­CHISM AS A THEORY OF ORGAN­ISA­TION


Colin ward’s article on anar­chism as a theory of organ­isa­tion was most inter­est­ing and in­struct­ive but the sting, I feel, lies in the tail. Anar­chism does pre­sent an al­tern­at­ive theory of organ­isa­tion but how do we set about mak­ing “the op­por­tun­it­ies of put­ting (it) into prac­tice”?

  So­cial ideas may well be­come im­port­ant but will they be con­cerned with “sys­tems of large vari­ety suf­fi­cient to cope with a com­plex un­pre­dict­able en­viron­ment”? It is pos­sible that they would rather be con­cerned with a com­plex, but es­sen­tially more pre­dict­able en­viron­ment in which “wel­fare” is dis­trib­uted more equably but in which the gov­ern­ment’s grip on the citi­zen is vastly in­creased—though in more subtle ways than in the past.

  Ward notes that “people have been con­di­tioned from in­fancy to the idea of ac­cept­ing an ex­ternal au­thor­ity”. Ac­cept­ing the au­thor­ity of the gov­ern­ment in the so­cial sphere ab­solves one from so much (pain­ful) re­spons­ibil­ity to one’s fellows. “They” may put awk­ward ir­ri­tat­ing ob­stacles in one’s way in cer­tain spheres but it seems that for the ma­jor­ity, un­con­cerned with so­cial and “world” prob­lems, life is re­mark­ably pleas­ant and orderly in the af­flu­ent so­ciety.

  For what are the anar­chists of­fer­ing? Free­dom yes, but how is this con­cept to be made mean­ing­ful to the ma­jor­ity? It is free­dom with re­spons­ibil­ity; prob­lems will have to be solved by the use of per­sonal ef­fort and ini­tia­tive.

  How are people to be per­suaded that this will give them a more satis­fy­ing life than the pres­ent at­ti­tude of let­ting “them” get on with it. Anar­chist organ­isa­tion would re­quire active parti­cip­a­tion not ac­qui­es­cence but I am sure that it is not im­medi­ately ap­par­ent to many people that this is “free­dom” or, indeed, worth very much.

  Rousseau was very well aware of this di­lemma, al­though he sug­gested a Legis­lator (!) as the way out for people en­meshed in a de­struc­tive so­cial pro­cess over which they had no con­trol. Sub­sti­tute “anar­chism” for “law” and this seems to sum up the situ­a­tion very well; “The so­cial spirit, which should be cre­ated by these in­sti­tu­tions, would have to pre­side over their very found­a­tion; and men would have to be before law, what they should be­come by law”.

Witney carole pateman  


s2
I enoyed the article in anarchy 62 on anar­chism as a theory of organ­isa­tion. It is of as­sist­ance in ap­pre­ci­at­ing some of the subtle­ties of the anar­chist point of view on so­cial organ­isa­tion. As one might ex­pect in the case of a short article on a ma­jor sub­ject, it leaves a good num­ber of ques­tions un­an­swered.

  The must urgent one is simply the ques­tion of the here and now. How do we begin now to cre­ate a so­ciety of per­mis­sive in­sti­tu­tions?

  A proper an­swer to this ques­tion can only be reached if it is clearly under­stood that, in fact, a so­cial re­volu­tion is the com­ing into being of new in­sti­tu­tions which, in a longer or shorter time, be­come the dom­in­ant forms of the so­ciety. Move­ments of pro­test, demon­stra­tions, acts of viol­ence in­clud­ing armed re­volt, are use­less for actu­ally chan­ging the con­di­tions of our lives un­less they change the na­ture of the in­sti­tu­tions—so­cial, eco­nomic, and polit­ical—with­in which we live. Deca­dent, un­satis­fac­tory in­sti­tu­tions must be re­vital­ized, or new ones con­struc­ted.

  The start­ing place is at the nexus of in­tim­ate per­sonal rela­tion­ships of the in­di­vidual, which in our so­ciety, as in all past human so­ciety, has been the nuclear, con­jugal family … or no­thing. In other words, in our so­ciety, urban­ized and cap­it­al­ist, the sole pro­vi­sions for the en­cap­sula­tion of the in­di­vidual into stable so­cial bonds is through the family. And this small model family which has emerged as typ­ical of the West­ern world is too often a com­pletely un­satis­fac­tory unit to sup­port and nour­ish the in­di­vidual. And for a very large pro­por­tion of the pop­u­la­tion, chil­dren and adults, there is no basis for family rela­tion­ships at all. This may arise from any num­ber of causes: death of the par­ents, separ­a­tion, widow­hood, etc. The re­sult then is an irony that may well ap­peal to one with anar­chist sens­ibil­it­ies : the free in­di­vidual, torn loose from all sig­nif­i­cant so­cial rela­tion­ships, the help­less vic­tim of the cap­it­al­ist and the state.

  The an­swer pro­vides us with the start­ing place for the re­build­ing of so­ciety. It must be surely to find an in­sti­tu­tional form which will sup­ple­ment or re­place even­tu­ally the func­tion of the family in rela­tion to the in­di­vidual and so­ciety: pro­cre­a­tion, phys­ical sup­port, so­cial­iza­tion, so­cial inter­course, ori­ent­a­tion, etc. This form prob­ably can­not re­con­sti­tute from the earlier days of man­kind a blood or mar­riage rela­tion­ship which will pro­vide satis­fac­tor­ily for all these things in our com­plex so­ciety. It will, I think, have to be a “con­tract family”. The rela­tion­ships under which man, woman and child can live to­gether have to be re­defined so that all the iso­lated in­di­viduals of our so­ciety can be re­cre­ated as so­cial beings by be­coming part of a tightly-knit small group which will pro­vide them with the es­sen­tial of a face-to-face com­mun­ity.

  To wean people away from their pres­ent sup­port of cur­rent in­sti­tu­tions by in­tel­lec­tual argu­ments is ex­tremely dif­fi­cult. How­ever un­satis­fac­tory we can show them to be, they are yet fill­ing needs in some fashion. We have got to be able to offer im­medi­ate bene­fits in new in­sti­tu­tions which will win sup­port in this very con­crete fashion. So­cial in­sti­tu­tions are the ones we can work at first, leav­ing the more dif­fi­cult polit­ical and eco­nomic ones until later after we have built a base from which we can func­tion. As a matter of fact, it seems to me that the power of the cor­por­a­tion and the state over the in­di­vidual is just so much greater in pro­por­tion as he is iso­lated from close so­cial “family” inter­course with a group of his fellows. It is dif­fi­cult
245
in that case to re­sist ex­ac­tions of arbit­rary treat­ment.

  To sum up then, I am sug­gest­ing here that what can be done im­medi­ately to begin build­ing a new so­ciety is to begin the estab­lish­ment of new so­cial bonds be­tween in­di­viduals which will begin to pro­vide the in­sti­tu­tional frame­work for the per­form­ance of the basic so­cial func­tions in which every in­di­vidual must parti­cip­ate or be iso­lated and help­less.

Don Mills, Ontario lloyd sawyer  


s3
OBSERVA­TIONS ON ANARCHY 62:

ANAR­CHISTS AND NUCLEAR DIS­ARMERS


Un­fortun­ately, the article on Anar­chists and Nuclear Dis­armers was so in­ac­cur­ate and so in­com­plete that it can­not be taken as a seri­ous con­trib­u­tion to the sub­ject.

  The anar­chists are not unique in their early op­posi­tion to the use of nuclear weaponsit is not true that “in­formed opin­ion of all parties, of all na­tions, was satis­fied that the A-bomb was a de­liver­ance”. The pacif­ists, the liber­tarian so­cialists, and many others have been uni­lat­er­al­ist as long as we have (the honour of mak­ing the first pro­test goes to the In­de­pend­ent Labour Party, who pub­lished Bob Edwards’ pamph­let War on the People in 1943—two years before the Bomb was used). Nor are the anar­chists unique in their early pub­lica­tion of the ef­fects of nuclear weapons—it is not true that “they printed the facts while in­formed opin­ion was silent” or that “in­formed opin­ion took years to catch up with the anar­chists”. The facts about the Bomb were pub­lished by all kinds of papers, and were after all taken almost en­tirely from of­fi­cial sources (the most im­port­ant of these were the Amer­ican Gov­ern­ment’s Strategic Bombing Surveys of 1947).

  But above all, the article—de­spite its title—scarcely men­tioned the sig­nif­i­cant rela­tion­ship be­tween the anar­chists and the nuclear dis­arm­ers. Anar­chists have been in­volved in the uni­lat­er­al­ist move­ment through­out the last dec­ade, espe­cially in the more rad­ical sec­tions of the move­ment—the Non-Violent Re­sist­ance Group, Pacif­ist Youth Action Group, the Direct Action Com­mit­tee, Polaris Action, the Com­mit­tee of 100, and so on. Some anar­chists may be­lieve that “an anar­chist does not court ar­rest”, but there are other anar­chists who have done so several times, and have played an active part in de­velop­ing the theory and prac­tice of civil dis­obe­di­ence. The evid­ence for this ap­pears in many back num­bers of <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: freedom">freedom and anarchy.

London n.w.