Difference between revisions of "Anarchy 89/Reflections on the revolution in France"

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'''Anarchists.'''&emsp;Well the part played by the anarch&shy;ists at last con&shy;vince people that anarch&shy;ism is still a re&shy;volu&shy;tion&shy;ary force? We are still play&shy;ing our priv&shy;ate game of watch&shy;ing other groups pick&shy;ing up ideas which they think are new but which we know are old ones from the anarch&shy;ist past. The im&shy;port&shy;ance of young middle-<wbr>class in&shy;tel&shy;lect&shy;u&shy;als, espe&shy;cially uni&shy;vers&shy;ity stu&shy;dents and grad&shy;u&shy;ates{{dash}}now at&shy;trib&shy;uted to {{w|Herbert Marcuse|Herbert_Marcuse}} and the stu&shy;dent lead&shy;ers in {{w|Germany}}, France and {{w|Britain|United_Kingdom}}, but de&shy;veloped by {{w|Mikhail Bakunin|Mikhail_Bakunin}} a cen&shy;tury ago from his ob&shy;serv&shy;a&shy;tion of the {{w|{{popup|Ital&shy;ian Repub&shy;lic&shy;ans|e.g. Giuseppe Mazzini, Giuseppe Garibaldi}}|Mikhail_Bakunin#Relocation_to_Italy_and_influence_in_Spain}} and the {{w|{{popup|Russian pop&shy;ul&shy;ists|e.g. Alexander Herzen, Vissarion Belinsky}}|Mikhail_Bakunin#Switzerland,_Brussels,_Prague,_Dresden_and_Paris}}, and later ex&shy;pressed by [[Author:Peter Kropotkin|Kropot&shy;kin]] in {{l|''An Appeal to the Young''|https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/petr-kropotkin-an-appeal-to-the-young}} (1880). The im&shy;port&shy;ance of a con&shy;scious minor&shy;ity, though not an elite, a nucleus of agit&shy;at&shy;ors, though not of con&shy;spir&shy;at&shy;ors{{dash}}now at&shy;trib&shy;uted to {{w|Guevara|Che_Guevara}} and {{w|Debray|Régis_Debray}}, but again de&shy;veloped by Bakunin at the end of his life and later one of the cent&shy;ral prin&shy;ciples of the {{w|anarch&shy;ist com&shy;mun&shy;ists|Anarcho-communism}} and {{w|syn&shy;dic&shy;al&shy;ists|Anarcho-syndicalism}}. {{p|196}}Nearly every single pro&shy;posal made by the new rebels ap&shy;pears in Kropot&shy;kin or {{w|Mala&shy;testa|Errico_Malatesta}}{{dash}}but this is not im&shy;port&shy;ant; what is im&shy;port&shy;ant is that anarch&shy;ists are among the new rebels. Ironic that the {{w|BBC}} pro&shy;gramme on anarch&shy;ism, which was broad&shy;cast in the {{w|Third Pro&shy;gramme|BBC_Third_Programme}} last Janu&shy;ary (and was printed in [[Anarchy 85|{{sc|anarchy}} 85]] last March), was called ''[[Anarchy 85/Conversations about anarchism|Far from the Bar&shy;ri&shy;cades]],''  de&shy;spite the pro&shy;tests of some of the con&shy;trib&shy;ut&shy;ors who didn{{t}} feel very far; very near indeed, it seems. And yet how far is the {{w|English move&shy;ment|Anarchism_in_the_United_Kingdom}} from being able to fol&shy;low the French ex&shy;ample? About as far as England is from being able to have such an ex&shy;ample.
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'''Syndical&shy;ists.'''&emsp;
 
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Revision as of 16:29, 16 March 2018


193
Reflections on the
revolution in France

JOHN VANE


France. The re­vival of the great tradi­tion after nearly a cen­tury—1789, 1830, 1848, 1871from the storm­ing of the Bastille to the fall of the Com­mune. A re­minder that most of our polit­ical ideas (and the words they are ex­pressed in) come from France. (It makes it easier to under­stand why old Kropot­kin wanted to fight for France in 1914.) But how the tradi­tion has be­come divided! The Tricolour, the Repub­lic, the Mar­seil­laise, the Re­sist­anceall sym­bols of the estab­lish­ment, of the ex­treme right. But that is nothing new. “Liberty, equal­ity, frat­ern­ity, when what the Repub­lic really means is in­fantry, cav­alry, artil­lery”—said Marx 120 years ago. What is new is that people are sur­prised when the French stu­dents oc­cupy the uni­vers­ities and the French work­ers oc­cupy the factor­ies. The tradi­tion must be part of the French people’s polit­ical edu­ca­tion. We still re­mem­ber our Hunger Marches, our Gen­eral Strike, our Suf­fragettes, our Black Sunday, our chart­ists; surely the French may be ex­pec­ted to re­mem­ber the Re­sist­ance, the sit-in strikes of 1936, the <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: mut­inies
194
of 1917">mut­inies
194
of 1917
, the syn­dic­al­ist move­ment before the First World War, the Com­mune, the July Days, the Great Fear. We are hardly in close touch with French af­fairs, but recent issues of anarchy men­tioned “the sort of activ­ism which is en­demic at the bour­geois Sor­bonne” (Peter Redan Black in anarchy 84) and de­scribed the sit-in strike in Besan­con (Proud­hon’s home town!) at the begin­ning of last year (Chris Marker in anarchy 76). After all, the Nan­terre stu­dents have been strug­gling with the au­thor­ities for a year; where have all the ex­perts been?

Revolution. A timely re­minder that when you come down to it you have to go out into the streets and con­front the forces of the state. That in the end ony a trem­end­ous and ter­ri­fy­ing change in the way so­ciety is organ­ised can bring about what we want. That this will not hap­pen by itself, but that some­one has to de­cide to make it hap­pen. That we have to be pre­mature (only pre­mature action leads to mature action), that we have to make mis­takes (people who don’t make mis­takes don’t make any­thing), that we have to take risks (the blood of mar­tyrs is still, alas, the seed of the faith), that we have to begin by look­ing rid­ic­u­lous and end by look­ing futile. A re­mind­er of William Morris, in A Dream of John Ball, pon­der­ing “how men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their de­feat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under an­other name”. A re­minder of the dan­ger of re­volu­tion, in being what Engels called “the most au­thor­it­arian thing ima­gin­able”, in pro­vok­ing counter-re­volu­tion, in tend­ing towards nihil­ism, in ex­pos­ing one’s weak­nesses and giv­ing away one’s strengths, in rais­ing false hopes and bring­ing des­pair.

  Tragic to be so near and yet so far. The young people tak­ing the streets, the in­tel­lect­u­als taking the uni­vers­it­ies, the work­ers tak­ing the fact­or­ies, the farm­ers on their tract­ors—if only the work­ers had run the fact­or­ies that made cars to re­place those de­stroyed in the fight­ing, if only the farm­ers had sent food into the towns for no­thing and re­ceived tract­ors for no­thing in re­turn, if only the shops had opened and the pub­lic trans­port had run with­out pay­ment, what could the police or even the army have done? Who dare say it couldn’t happen, after Russia in 1917 and Spain in 1936?

Comités d’action. The action com­mit­tees which sprang up in Paris are the obvi­ous des­cend­ants of the coun­cils and com­mit­tees (Soviets) which have always spon­tane­ously ap­peared in pop­ular ris­ings of this kind. Here is the na­tural ad­min­ist­rat­ive unit of so­ciety which we want in place of the par­lia­ment, ex­ecut­ive com­mit­tees, re­pre­sent­at­ive coun­cil, or what­ever, which takes de­ci­sions out of the hands of the people they af­fect. Here is the ad­min­ist­ra­tion of things which must come in­stead of the gov­ern­ment of people.

195
“Group­us­cules”. Odd how small polit­ical groups—such as the anarch­ists—are often hated and feared by the estab­lish­ment, but are patron­ised and writ­ten off by many rebels. Surely both sides are wrong. They have no power, and yet in re­volu­tion­ary con­di­tions it is often their mem­bers who keep their heads and feed the ideas which the move­ment lives on. Of course tradi­tion­al­ists and sect­arians have little to con­trib­ute when things really begin hap­pen­ing, but con­scious ex­trem­ists still seem to have a part to play, and it is good to see them pul­ling to­gether when things do hap­pen.

Marxism. Inter­est­ing how it has man­aged to sur­vive what the Com­mun­ists and So­cial Demo­crats have done to it between them, to say no­thing of the so­cio­logists. The liber­tarian Marx­ists seem closer to Marx and Engels than the ortho­dox Com­mun­ists, Trotsky­ists and Mao­ism one one side, and the various re­vision­ists and re­form­ists on the other. It is good that the anarch­ist strain in Marx­ism should be re­mem­bered. At the same time we should re­mem­ber the Marx­ist strain in anarch­ism; the early anarch­ists always ac­know­leged Marx’s im­mense con­trib­u­tion to so­cial­ist thought, and most of us still stand on his ana­lysis of the class so­ciety. If we are glad to see some Marx­ists mov­ing towards us, per­haps we could see how far we can move towards them; Marx­ism with­out the party or the state isn’t very far away. In the London demon­stra­tion of solid­ar­ity with the French on May 26th, it was sig­nific­ant to see the Inter­na­tional So­cial­ism and Solid­ar­ity groups wel­com­ing the anarch­ists in a com­mon front against the So­cial­ist Labour League when Healy and Banda tried to keep things under tradi­tional Trotsky­ist con­trol. The same kind of thing on a much larger scale seems to have been hap­pen­ing in France; the March 22nd Movement is de­scribed as an in­formal coali­tion of anarch­ists, situ­a­tion­ists, Trotsky­ists and Mao­ists, united by com­mon action. The new un­formed, un­named Fifth Inter­na­tional may get back to the ori­ginal aims of the First Inter­na­tional after more than a cen­tury.

Anarchists. Well the part played by the anarch­ists at last con­vince people that anarch­ism is still a re­volu­tion­ary force? We are still play­ing our priv­ate game of watch­ing other groups pick­ing up ideas which they think are new but which we know are old ones from the anarch­ist past. The im­port­ance of young middle-class in­tel­lect­u­als, espe­cially uni­vers­ity stu­dents and grad­u­ates—now at­trib­uted to Herbert Marcuse and the stu­dent lead­ers in Germany, France and Britain, but de­veloped by Mikhail Bakunin a cen­tury ago from his ob­serv­a­tion of the <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: Ital­ian Repub­lic­ans">Ital­ian Repub­lic­ans and the <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: Russian pop­ul­ists">Russian pop­ul­ists, and later ex­pressed by Kropot­kin in An Appeal to the Young (1880). The im­port­ance of a con­scious minor­ity, though not an elite, a nucleus of agit­at­ors, though not of con­spir­at­ors—now at­trib­uted to Guevara and Debray, but again de­veloped by Bakunin at the end of his life and later one of the cent­ral prin­ciples of the anarch­ist com­mun­ists and syn­dic­al­ists.
196
Nearly every single pro­posal made by the new rebels ap­pears in Kropot­kin or Mala­testabut this is not im­port­ant; what is im­port­ant is that anarch­ists are among the new rebels. Ironic that the BBC pro­gramme on anarch­ism, which was broad­cast in the Third Pro­gramme last Janu­ary (and was printed in anarchy 85 last March), was called Far from the Bar­ri­cades, de­spite the pro­tests of some of the con­trib­ut­ors who didn’t feel very far; very near indeed, it seems. And yet how far is the English move­ment from being able to fol­low the French ex­ample? About as far as England is from being able to have such an ex­ample.

Syndical­ists.