Difference between revisions of "Anarchy 31/The spontaneous university"
Line 18: | Line 18: | ||
{{sc|In a recent essay {{w|Arnold Wesker|Arnold_Wesker}}}}, con­cerned pre­cisely with the gulf be­tween art and pup­ular cul­ture and with the pos­si­bil­ity of re­inte­gra­tion refers to the threat­ened strike of 1919 and to a speech of {{w|Lloyd George|David_Lloyd_George|David Lloyd George}}. The strike could have brought down the gov­ern­ment. The Prime Min­is­ter said: | {{sc|In a recent essay {{w|Arnold Wesker|Arnold_Wesker}}}}, con­cerned pre­cisely with the gulf be­tween art and pup­ular cul­ture and with the pos­si­bil­ity of re­inte­gra­tion refers to the threat­ened strike of 1919 and to a speech of {{w|Lloyd George|David_Lloyd_George|David Lloyd George}}. The strike could have brought down the gov­ern­ment. The Prime Min­is­ter said: | ||
− | <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}} | + | <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}{{e}} you will defeat us. But if you do so have you weighed the conse­quen­ces? The strike will be in defi­ance of the gov­ern­ment of the country and by its very suc­cess will pre­cip­it­ate a con­stitu­tional crisis of the first im­port­ance. For, if a force arises in the state which is stronger than the state itself, then it must be ready to take on the func­tions of the state. Gentle­men have you con­sidered, and if you have, are you ready?</font></blockquote> |
The strikers, as we know, were not ready. Mr. Wesker com­ments: | The strikers, as we know, were not ready. Mr. Wesker com­ments: | ||
− | <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}The crust has shifted a bit, a num­ber of people have made for­tunes out of the pro­test and some­where a host of Lloyd Georges are grin­ning con­ten­tedly at the situa­tion | + | <blockquote><font size="2">{{tab}}The crust has shifted a bit, a num­ber of people have made for­tunes out of the pro­test and some­where a host of Lloyd Georges are grin­ning con­ten­tedly at the situa­tion {{e}} All pro­test is al­lowed and smiled upon be­cause it is known that the force—eco­nomic­ally and cul­tur­ally—lies in the same dark and secure quar­ters, and this secret know­ledge is the real des­pair of both artist and intel­lec­tual. We are para­lysed by this know­ledge, we pro­test every so often but really the whole cul­tural scene—par­ticu­larly on the left—{{q|is one of awe and in­ef­fec­tual­ity}}. I am certain that this was the secret know­ledge that largely ac­coun­ted for the de­cline of the cul­tural activ­ities in the Thir­ties—no one really knew what to do with the phil­istines. They were om­nipo­tent, friendly, and se­duct­ive. The germ was carried and passed on by the most un­sus­pected; and this same germ will cause, is begin­ning to cause, the de­cline of our new cul­tural up­surge unless {{e}} unless a new sys­tem is con­ceived where­by we who are con­cerned can take away, one by one, the secret reins.</font></blockquote> |
Al­though I found Mr. Wesker{{s}} essay in the end dis­ap­point­ing, it did con­firm for me that in {{w|England|England}} as else­where there are groups of people who are act­ively con­cerned with the prob­lem. As we have seen, the polit­ical-eco­nomic struc­ture of west­ern so­ci­ety is such that the gears of creat­ive intel­li­gence mesh with the gears of power in such a way that, not only is the former pro­hibited from ever ini­tiat­ing<!-- 'imitiating' in original --> any­thing, it can only come into play at the be­hest of forces (vested inter­ests) that are often in prin­ciple anti­path­etic towards it. Mr. Wesker{{s}} {{q|{{popup|Centre 42|a theatre founded by Arnold Wesker}}}} is a prac­tical at­tempt to alter his rela­tion­ship. | Al­though I found Mr. Wesker{{s}} essay in the end dis­ap­point­ing, it did con­firm for me that in {{w|England|England}} as else­where there are groups of people who are act­ively con­cerned with the prob­lem. As we have seen, the polit­ical-eco­nomic struc­ture of west­ern so­ci­ety is such that the gears of creat­ive intel­li­gence mesh with the gears of power in such a way that, not only is the former pro­hibited from ever ini­tiat­ing<!-- 'imitiating' in original --> any­thing, it can only come into play at the be­hest of forces (vested inter­ests) that are often in prin­ciple anti­path­etic towards it. Mr. Wesker{{s}} {{q|{{popup|Centre 42|a theatre founded by Arnold Wesker}}}} is a prac­tical at­tempt to alter his rela­tion­ship. | ||
− | {{tab}}I should like to say at once that I have no funda­mental quar­rel with Mr. Wesker. My main criti­cism of his pro­ject (and I admit my know­ledge of it is very hazy indeed) is that it is lim­ited in char­ac­ter and that this is re­flec­ted in his ana­lysis of the histor­ical back­ground. {{p|294}}He takes the 1956 pro­duc­tion of {{w|Osborne|John_Osborne|John Osborne}}{{s}} ''{{w|Look Back in Anger|Look_Back_in_Anger}}'', for ex­ample, to be the first land­mark in {{q|our new cul­tural up­surge}}. A seri­ous lack of histor­ical per­spect­ive, the in­sul­arity of his view | + | {{tab}}I should like to say at once that I have no funda­mental quar­rel with Mr. Wesker. My main criti­cism of his pro­ject (and I admit my know­ledge of it is very hazy indeed) is that it is lim­ited in char­ac­ter and that this is re­flec­ted in his ana­lysis of the histor­ical back­ground. {{p|294}}He takes the 1956 pro­duc­tion of {{w|Osborne|John_Osborne|John Osborne}}{{s}} ''{{w|Look Back in Anger|Look_Back_in_Anger}}'', for ex­ample, to be the first land­mark in {{q|our new cul­tural up­surge}}. A seri­ous lack of histor­ical per­spect­ive, the in­sul­arity of his view {{e}} these feat­ures are, I am afraid, in­dic­at­ive of a kind of church-bazaar philo­sophy which seems to under­lie the whole pro­ject. Like handi­crafts, art should not be ex­pec­ted to pay. Mr. Wesker calls for a tradi­tion {{q|that will not have to rely on finan­cial suc­cess in order to con­tinue}}. And so he was led to seek the patron­age of trade unions and has begun to organ­ise a series of cul­tural fest­ivals under their aus­pices. While I have noth­ing against such fest­ivals, the ur­gency of Mr. Wesker{{s}} ori­ginal diag­nosis led me to ex­pect re­com­menda­tions for ac­tion at a far more funda­mental level. Cert­ainly, such a pro­gramme will not carry us very far towards seiz­ing what he so hap­pily refers to as {{q|the secret reins}}. I do not think I am being over­cau­tious in as­sert­ing that some­thing far less ped­estrian than an ap­peal to the public-spirited­ness of this or that group will be the im­per­ative of the vast change we have in mind. |
{{tab}}Never­the­less, at one point in what re­mains an in­ter­esting essay, Mr. Wesker quotes Mr. {{w|Raymond Williams|Raymond_Williams}}. Who Mr. Williams is and from what work the quota­tion is taken I am un­fortun­ately ignor­ant. I only wonder how Mr. Wesker can quote the fol­low­ing and then go out and look for patron­age. | {{tab}}Never­the­less, at one point in what re­mains an in­ter­esting essay, Mr. Wesker quotes Mr. {{w|Raymond Williams|Raymond_Williams}}. Who Mr. Williams is and from what work the quota­tion is taken I am un­fortun­ately ignor­ant. I only wonder how Mr. Wesker can quote the fol­low­ing and then go out and look for patron­age. |
Latest revision as of 11:59, 11 October 2021
The spontaneous university
In a recent essay Arnold Wesker, concerned precisely with the gulf between art and pupular culture and with the possibility of reintegration refers to the threatened strike of 1919 and to a speech of Lloyd George. The strike could have brought down the government. The Prime Minister said:
. . . you will defeat us. But if you do so have you weighed the consequences? The strike will be in defiance of the government of the country and by its very success will precipitate a constitutional crisis of the first importance. For, if a force arises in the state which is stronger than the state itself, then it must be ready to take on the functions of the state. Gentlemen have you considered, and if you have, are you ready?
The strikers, as we know, were not ready. Mr. Wesker comments:
The crust has shifted a bit, a number of people have made fortunes out of the protest and somewhere a host of Lloyd Georges are grinning contentedly at the situation . . . All protest is allowed and smiled upon because it is known that the force—economically and culturally—lies in the same dark and secure quarters, and this secret knowledge is the real despair of both artist and intellectual. We are paralysed by this knowledge, we protest every so often but really the whole cultural scene—particularly on the left—‘is one of awe and ineffectuality’. I am certain that this was the secret knowledge that largely accounted for the decline of the cultural activities in the Thirties—no one really knew what to do with the philistines. They were omnipotent, friendly, and seductive. The germ was carried and passed on by the most unsuspected; and this same germ will cause, is beginning to cause, the decline of our new cultural upsurge unless . . . unless a new system is conceived whereby we who are concerned can take away, one by one, the secret reins.
Although I found Mr. Wesker’s essay in the end disappointing, it did confirm for me that in England as elsewhere there are groups of people who are actively concerned with the problem. As we have seen, the political-economic structure of western society is such that the gears of creative intelligence mesh with the gears of power in such a way that, not only is the former prohibited from ever initiating anything, it can only come into play at the behest of forces (vested interests) that are often in principle antipathetic towards it. Mr. Wesker’s ‘Centre 42’ is a practical attempt to alter his relationship.
I should like to say at once that I have no fundamental quarrel with Mr. Wesker. My main criticism of his project (and I admit my knowledge of it is very hazy indeed) is that it is limited in character and that this is reflected in his analysis of the historical background.Nevertheless, at one point in what remains an interesting essay, Mr. Wesker quotes Mr. Raymond Williams. Who Mr. Williams is and from what work the quotation is taken I am unfortunately ignorant. I only wonder how Mr. Wesker can quote the following and then go out and look for patronage.
The question is not who will patronise the arts, but what forms are possible in which artists will have control of their own means of expression, in such ways that they will have relation in a community rather than to a market or a patron.
Of course it would be dangerous to pretend to understand Mr. Williams on the basis of such a brief statement. I shall say simply that for myself and for my associates in Europe and America the key phrase in the above sentence is: ‘artists will have control of their own means of expression’. When they achieve that control, their ‘relation to a community’ will become a meaningful problem, that is, a problem amenable to formulation and solution at a creative and intelligent level. This we must concern ourselves forthwith with the question of how to seize and within the social fabric exercise that control. Our first move must be to eliminate the brokers.
How to begin? At a chosen moment in a vacant country house (mill, abbey, church, or castle), we shall foment a kind of cultural ‘jam session’: out of this will evolve the prototype of our spontaneous university.
The Jewish settlements in Israel turned a desert into a garden and astounded all the world. In a flowering garden already wholly sustained by automation, a fraction of such purposiveness applied to the cultivation of men would bring what results?
Then there was the experimental college at Black Mountain, North Carolina. This is of immediate interest to us for two reasons. In the first place, the whole concept is almost identical to our own in its educational aspect; in the second, some individual members ofBlack Mountain College was widely known throughout the United States. In spite of the fact that no degrees were awarded graduates and non-graduates from all over America thought it worthwhile to take up residence. As it turns out, an amazing number of the best artists and writers of America seem to have been there at one time or another, to teach and learn, and their cumulative influence on American art in the last fifteen years has been immense. One has only to mention Franz Kline in reference to painting and Robert Creeley in reference to poetry to give an idea of Black Mountain’s significance. They are key figures in the American vanguard, their influence everywhere. Black Mountain could be described as an ‘action university’ in the sense in which the term is applied to the paintings of Kline et alii. There were no examinations. There was no learning from ulterior motives. Students and teachers participated informally in the creative arts; every teacher was himself a practitioner—poetry, music, painting, sculpture, dance, pure mathematics, pure physics, etc.,—of a very high order. In short, it was a situation constructed to inspire the free play of creativity in the individual and the group.
Unfortunately, it no longer exists. It closed in the early Fifties for economic reasons. It was a corporation (actually owned by the staff) which depended entirely on fees and charitable donations. In the highly competitive background of the United States of America such a gratuitous and flagrantly non-utilitarian institution was only kept alive for so long as it was by the sustained effort of the staff. In the end it proved too ill-adapted to its habitat to survive.
In considering ways and means to establish our pilot project we have never lost sight of the fact that in a capitalist society any successful organization must be able to sustain itself in capitalist terms. The venture must pay. Thus we have conceived the idea of setting up a general agency to handle, as far as possible, all the work of the individuals associated with the university. Art, the products of all the expressive media of civilisation, its applications in industrial and commercial design, all this is fantastically profitable (consider the Musical Corporation of America). But, as in the world of science, it is not the creators themselves who reap most of the benefit. An agency founded by the creators themselves and operated by highly-paid professionals would be in an impregnable position. Such an agency, guided by the critical acumen of the artists themselves, could profitably harvest new cultural talent long before the purely professional agencies were aware it existed. Our own experience in the recognition of contemporary talent during the past fifteen years has provided us with evidence that is decisive. The first years would be the hardest. In time, granting that the agency functioned efficiently from the point of view of the individual artists represented by it, it would have first option on all new talent. This would happen not only because it would be likely to recognize that talent before its competitors, but because ofWe envisage an international organisation with branch universities near the capital cities of every country in the world. It will be autonomous, unpolitical, economically independent. Membership of one branch (as teacher or student) will entitle one to membership of all branches, and to travel to and residence in foreign branches will be energetically encouraged. It will be the object of each branch university to participate in and ‘supercharge’ the cultural life of the respective capital city at the same time as it promotes cultural exchange internationally and functions in itself as a non-specialised experimental school and creative workshop. Resident professors will be themselves creators. The staff at each university will be purposively international; as far as practicable, the students also. Each branch of the spontaneous university will be the nucleus of an experimental town to which all kinds of people will be attracted for shorter or longer periods and from which, if we are successful, they will derive a renewed and infectious sense of life. We envisage an organisation whose structure and mechanisms are infinitely elastic; we see it as the gradual crystallisation of a regenerative cultural force, a perpetual brainwave, creative intelligence everywhere recognizing and affirming its own involvement.
It is impossible in the present context to describe in precise detail the day-to-day functioning of the university. In the first place, it is not possible for one individual writing a brief introductory essay. The pilot project does not exist in the physical sense, and from the very beginning, like the Israeli kibbutzes, it must be a communal affair, tactics decided in situ, depending upon just what is available when. My associates and I during the past decade have been amazed at possibilities arising out of the spontaneous interplay of ideas within a group in constructed situations. It is on the basis of such experiences that we have imagined an international experiment. Secondly, and consequently, any detailed preconceptions of my own would be so much excess baggage in the spontaneous generation of the group situation.
The cultural possibilities of this movement are immense and the time is ripe for it. Scientists, artists, teachers, creative men of goodwill everywhere are in suspense. Waiting. Remembering that it is our kind even now who operate, if they don’t control, the grids of expression, we should have no difficulty in recognising the spontaneous university as the possible detonator of the invisible insurrection.