Difference between revisions of "Anarchy 89/Reflections on the revolution in France"

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'''Revolution.'''&emsp;</div>
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'''Revolution.'''&emsp;A timely re&shy;minder that when you come down to it you have to go out into the streets and con&shy;front the forces of the state. That in the end ony a trem&shy;end&shy;ous and ter&shy;ri&shy;fy&shy;ing change in the way so&shy;ciety is organ&shy;ised can bring about what we want. That this will not hap&shy;pen by itself, but that some&shy;one has to de&shy;cide to make it hap&shy;pen. That we have to be pre&shy;mature (only pre&shy;mature action leads to mature action), that we have to make mis&shy;takes (people who don{{t}} make mis&shy;takes don{{t}} make any&shy;thing), that we have to take risks (the blood of mar&shy;tyrs is still, alas, the seed of the faith), that we have to begin by look&shy;ing rid&shy;ic&shy;u&shy;lous and end by look&shy;ing futile. A re&shy;mind&shy;er of {{w|William Morris|William_Morris}}, in ''{{l|A Dream of John Ball|https://archive.org/details/dreamofjohnballa00morr}},'' pon&shy;der&shy;ing {{qq|how men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their de&shy;feat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under an&shy;other name}}. A re&shy;minder of the dan&shy;ger of re&shy;volu&shy;tion, in being what {{w|Engels|Friedrich_Engels}} called {{qq|the most au&shy;thor&shy;it&shy;arian thing ima&shy;gin&shy;able}}, in pro&shy;vok&shy;ing counter-<wbr>re&shy;volu&shy;tion, in tend&shy;ing towards nihil&shy;ism, in ex&shy;pos&shy;ing one{{s}} weak&shy;nesses and giv&shy;ing away one{{s}} strengths, in rais&shy;ing false hopes and bring&shy;ing des&shy;pair.
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{{tab}}Tragic to be so near and yet so far. The young people tak&shy;ing the streets, the in&shy;tel&shy;lect&shy;u&shy;als taking the uni&shy;vers&shy;it&shy;ies, the work&shy;ers tak&shy;ing the fact&shy;or&shy;ies, the farm&shy;ers on their tract&shy;ors{{dash}}if only the work&shy;ers had run the fact&shy;or&shy;ies that made cars to re&shy;place those de&shy;stroyed in the fight&shy;ing, if only the farm&shy;ers had sent food into the towns for no&shy;thing and re&shy;ceived tract&shy;ors for no&shy;thing in re&shy;turn, if only the shops had opened and the pub&shy;lic trans&shy;port had run with&shy;out pay&shy;ment, what could the police or even the army have done? Who dare say it couldn{{t}} happen, after {{w|Russia}} in {{w|1917|October_Revolution}} and {{w|Spain}} in {{w|1936|Spanish_Revolution_of_1936}}?
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'''Comit&eacute;s {{q|d|r}}action.'''&emsp;The action com&shy;mit&shy;tees which sprang up in {{w|Paris}} are the obvi&shy;ous des&shy;cend&shy;ants of the coun&shy;cils and com&shy;mit&shy;tees ({{w|Soviets|Soviet_(council)}}) which have always spon&shy;tane&shy;ously ap&shy;peared in pop&shy;ular ris&shy;ings of this kind. Here is the na&shy;tural ad&shy;min&shy;ist&shy;rat&shy;ive unit of so&shy;ciety which we want in place of the {{w|par&shy;lia&shy;ment|Parliament}}, {{w|ex&shy;ecut&shy;ive com&shy;mit&shy;tees|Committee#Executive_committee}}, {{w|re&shy;pre&shy;sent&shy;at&shy;ive coun&shy;cil|Council}}, or what&shy;ever, which takes de&shy;ci&shy;sions out of the hands of the people they af&shy;fect. Here is the ad&shy;min&shy;ist&shy;ra&shy;tion of things which must come in&shy;stead of the gov&shy;ern&shy;ment of people.
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{{p|195}}'''{{qq|Group&shy;us&shy;cules}}.'''&emsp;Odd how small polit&shy;ical groups{{dash|such as the anarch&shy;ists}}are often hated and feared by the estab&shy;lish&shy;ment, but are patron&shy;ised and writ&shy;ten off by many rebels. Surely both sides are wrong. They have no power, and yet in re&shy;volu&shy;tion&shy;ary con&shy;di&shy;tions it is often their mem&shy;bers who keep their heads and feed the ideas which the move&shy;ment lives on. Of course tradi&shy;tion&shy;al&shy;ists and sect&shy;arians have little to con&shy;trib&shy;ute when things really begin hap&shy;pen&shy;ing, but con&shy;scious ex&shy;trem&shy;ists still seem to have a part to play, and it is good to see them pul&shy;ling to&shy;gether when things do hap&shy;pen.
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'''{{w|Marxism}}.'''&emsp;Inter&shy;est&shy;ing how it has man&shy;aged to sur&shy;vive what the {{w|Com&shy;mun&shy;ists|Communist_state}} and {{w|So&shy;cial Demo&shy;crats|Social_democracy}} have done to it between them, to say no&shy;thing of the so&shy;cio&shy;logists. The {{w|liber&shy;tarian Marx&shy;ists|Libertarian_Marxism}} seem closer to {{w|Marx|Karl_Marx}} and {{w|Engels|Friedrich_Engels}} than the {{w|ortho&shy;dox Com&shy;mun&shy;ists|Marxism‒Leninism}}, {{w|Trotsky&shy;ists|Trotskyism}} and {{w|Mao&shy;ism|Maoists}} one one side, and the various re&shy;vision&shy;ists and re&shy;form&shy;ists on the other. It is good that the anarch&shy;ist strain in Marx&shy;ism should be re&shy;mem&shy;bered. At the same time we should re&shy;mem&shy;ber the Marx&shy;ist strain in anarch&shy;ism; the early anarch&shy;ists always ac&shy;know&shy;leged Marx{{s}} im&shy;mense con&shy;trib&shy;u&shy;tion to so&shy;cial&shy;ist thought, and most of us still stand on his ana&shy;lysis of the class so&shy;ciety. If we are glad to see some Marx&shy;ists mov&shy;ing towards us, per&shy;haps we could see how far we can move towards them; Marx&shy;ism with&shy;out the party or the state isn{{t}} very far away. In the {{w|London}} demon&shy;stra&shy;tion of solid&shy;ar&shy;ity with the French on May 26th, it was sig&shy;nific&shy;ant to see the Inter&shy;na&shy;tional So&shy;cial&shy;ism and Solid&shy;ar&shy;ity groups wel&shy;com&shy;ing the anarch&shy;ists in a com&shy;mon front against the {{w|So&shy;cial&shy;ist Labour League|Workers_Revolutionary_Party_(UK)}} when {{w|Healy|Gerry_Healy}} and {{w|Banda|Michael_Banda}} tried to keep things under tradi&shy;tional Trotsky&shy;ist con&shy;trol. The same kind of thing on a much larger scale seems to have been hap&shy;pen&shy;ing in France; the {{w|March 22nd Movement|Movement_of_22_March}} is de&shy;scribed as an in&shy;formal coali&shy;tion of anarch&shy;ists, {{w|situ&shy;a&shy;tion&shy;ists|Situationism}}, Trotsky&shy;ists and Mao&shy;ists, united by com&shy;mon action. The new un&shy;formed, un&shy;named {{w|Fifth Inter&shy;na&shy;tional|Fifth_International}} may get back to the ori&shy;ginal aims of the {{w|First Inter&shy;na&shy;tional|International_Workingmen's_Association}} after more than a cen&shy;tury.
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{{DEFAULTSORT: Reflections on the revolution in france}}
 
{{DEFAULTSORT: Reflections on the revolution in france}}

Revision as of 12:39, 16 March 2018


193
Reflections on the
revolution in France

JOHN VANE


France. The re­vival of the great tradi­tion after nearly a cen­tury—1789, 1830, 1848, 1871from the storm­ing of the Bastille to the fall of the Com­mune. A re­minder that most of our polit­ical ideas (and the words they are ex­pressed in) come from France. (It makes it easier to under­stand why old Kropot­kin wanted to fight for France in 1914.) But how the tradi­tion has be­come divided! The Tricolour, the Repub­lic, the Mar­seil­laise, the Re­sist­anceall sym­bols of the estab­lish­ment, of the ex­treme right. But that is nothing new. “Liberty, equal­ity, frat­ern­ity, when what the Repub­lic really means is in­fantry, cav­alry, artil­lery”—said Marx 120 years ago. What is new is that people are sur­prised when the French stu­dents oc­cupy the uni­vers­ities and the French work­ers oc­cupy the factor­ies. The tradi­tion must be part of the French people’s polit­ical edu­ca­tion. We still re­mem­ber our Hunger Marches, our Gen­eral Strike, our Suf­fragettes, our Black Sunday, our chart­ists; surely the French may be ex­pec­ted to re­mem­ber the Re­sist­ance, the sit-in strikes of 1936, the <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: mut­inies
194
of 1917">mut­inies
194
of 1917
, the syn­dic­al­ist move­ment before the First World War, the Com­mune, the July Days, the Great Fear. We are hardly in close touch with French af­fairs, but recent issues of anarchy men­tioned “the sort of activ­ism which is en­demic at the bour­geois Sor­bonne” (Peter Redan Black in anarchy 84) and de­scribed the sit-in strike in Besan­con (Proud­hon’s home town!) at the begin­ning of last year (Chris Marker in anarchy 76). After all, the Nan­terre stu­dents have been strug­gling with the au­thor­ities for a year; where have all the ex­perts been?

Revolution. A timely re­minder that when you come down to it you have to go out into the streets and con­front the forces of the state. That in the end ony a trem­end­ous and ter­ri­fy­ing change in the way so­ciety is organ­ised can bring about what we want. That this will not hap­pen by itself, but that some­one has to de­cide to make it hap­pen. That we have to be pre­mature (only pre­mature action leads to mature action), that we have to make mis­takes (people who don’t make mis­takes don’t make any­thing), that we have to take risks (the blood of mar­tyrs is still, alas, the seed of the faith), that we have to begin by look­ing rid­ic­u­lous and end by look­ing futile. A re­mind­er of William Morris, in A Dream of John Ball, pon­der­ing “how men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their de­feat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under an­other name”. A re­minder of the dan­ger of re­volu­tion, in being what Engels called “the most au­thor­it­arian thing ima­gin­able”, in pro­vok­ing counter-re­volu­tion, in tend­ing towards nihil­ism, in ex­pos­ing one’s weak­nesses and giv­ing away one’s strengths, in rais­ing false hopes and bring­ing des­pair.

  Tragic to be so near and yet so far. The young people tak­ing the streets, the in­tel­lect­u­als taking the uni­vers­it­ies, the work­ers tak­ing the fact­or­ies, the farm­ers on their tract­ors—if only the work­ers had run the fact­or­ies that made cars to re­place those de­stroyed in the fight­ing, if only the farm­ers had sent food into the towns for no­thing and re­ceived tract­ors for no­thing in re­turn, if only the shops had opened and the pub­lic trans­port had run with­out pay­ment, what could the police or even the army have done? Who dare say it couldn’t happen, after Russia in 1917 and Spain in 1936?

Comités d’action. The action com­mit­tees which sprang up in Paris are the obvi­ous des­cend­ants of the coun­cils and com­mit­tees (Soviets) which have always spon­tane­ously ap­peared in pop­ular ris­ings of this kind. Here is the na­tural ad­min­ist­rat­ive unit of so­ciety which we want in place of the par­lia­ment, ex­ecut­ive com­mit­tees, re­pre­sent­at­ive coun­cil, or what­ever, which takes de­ci­sions out of the hands of the people they af­fect. Here is the ad­min­ist­ra­tion of things which must come in­stead of the gov­ern­ment of people.

195
“Group­us­cules”. Odd how small polit­ical groups—such as the anarch­ists—are often hated and feared by the estab­lish­ment, but are patron­ised and writ­ten off by many rebels. Surely both sides are wrong. They have no power, and yet in re­volu­tion­ary con­di­tions it is often their mem­bers who keep their heads and feed the ideas which the move­ment lives on. Of course tradi­tion­al­ists and sect­arians have little to con­trib­ute when things really begin hap­pen­ing, but con­scious ex­trem­ists still seem to have a part to play, and it is good to see them pul­ling to­gether when things do hap­pen.

Marxism. Inter­est­ing how it has man­aged to sur­vive what the Com­mun­ists and So­cial Demo­crats have done to it between them, to say no­thing of the so­cio­logists. The liber­tarian Marx­ists seem closer to Marx and Engels than the ortho­dox Com­mun­ists, Trotsky­ists and Mao­ism one one side, and the various re­vision­ists and re­form­ists on the other. It is good that the anarch­ist strain in Marx­ism should be re­mem­bered. At the same time we should re­mem­ber the Marx­ist strain in anarch­ism; the early anarch­ists always ac­know­leged Marx’s im­mense con­trib­u­tion to so­cial­ist thought, and most of us still stand on his ana­lysis of the class so­ciety. If we are glad to see some Marx­ists mov­ing towards us, per­haps we could see how far we can move towards them; Marx­ism with­out the party or the state isn’t very far away. In the London demon­stra­tion of solid­ar­ity with the French on May 26th, it was sig­nific­ant to see the Inter­na­tional So­cial­ism and Solid­ar­ity groups wel­com­ing the anarch­ists in a com­mon front against the So­cial­ist Labour League when Healy and Banda tried to keep things under tradi­tional Trotsky­ist con­trol. The same kind of thing on a much larger scale seems to have been hap­pen­ing in France; the March 22nd Movement is de­scribed as an in­formal coali­tion of anarch­ists, situ­a­tion­ists, Trotsky­ists and Mao­ists, united by com­mon action. The new un­formed, un­named Fifth Inter­na­tional may get back to the ori­ginal aims of the First Inter­na­tional after more than a cen­tury.