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Overtaken by events:
a Paris journal
ROY PRIOR
Wednesday-Thursday, May 15th-May 16th. The
Paris disturbances have been very poorly reported in the
English press. First, the disturbance may have arisen out of complaints about the University system, but it has gone far beyond that now. It started with a row at
Nanterre, a university outside
Paris, when the university was close for an indefinite period, and seven students were summoned to appear before a university board. The
Sorbonne started to get active, in the big main courtyard; the
recteur called in the police to clear out the students who had gathered to discuss matters. The police carted the students off and there were demonstrations against this action, and against the police. The Sorbonne was closed, and the universities proposed to strike on Monday, May 6th, demonstrations all day long, finishing with 20,000 marching. The police charged the march at
St. Germain des Prés, and the barricades started to go up. The police use
gas. It finishes up with police hunting students through the streets, beating them with
truncheons. On Tuesday, another long march, about 40,000-50,000 people, students and workers. The
red flags lead the march and the
Internationale is sung at the
Arc de Triomphe. More demonstrations on Wednesday, when the left wing parties, hostile hitherto, jump on the bandwagon. Thursday, the Sorbonne is to be reopened: the police are on the scene, and the students demand withdrawal of police, opening of all the colleges again, and the freeing of the arrested students. The
Trotskyists hold a meeting where the whole affair begins to open out into a revolutionary movement. On Friday comes the explosion: thousands of students on a demonstration march are stopped by a dam of police: the students retire into the
Latin Quarter, filling the
Boulevard St. Michel up to the
Luxembourg. They spread out and start erecting barricades to fight the police if they charge. At 2 in the morning, the police attack, using gas
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grenades, tear gas, truncheons … fighting goes on until 5:30, around about 60 barricades: many students are injured and seven are still missing, no one knows where. On Saturday, tension: the
trade unions call for a
general strike. The student militants occupy an annex of the University, and use the premises for discussions and debates. On Sunday, the unions discuss and prepare their demonstration. On Monday the strike takes place, and workers and students march together to demonstrate against the police and the government. On Tuesday the government gives in, and says that the student demands for association in the organisation of the University will be met: and the newspapers give the impression that this is what it is all about.
So it was, perhaps, in the first instance, but things have changed. The students have taken over the University completely. The lecture rooms are crowded with committees discussing the whole movement—for it is a movement: the whole structure of western society is being called into question. The groups of the left are of course very prominent in this questioning: Maoists, Trotskyists, Communists and Anarchists have plastered the Sorbonne with posters, declarations, exhortations; a flood of brochures, leaflets, pamphlets and broadsheets, as well as improvised newspapers, pours out. The great courtyard of the Sorbonne is crowded with people: students and workers, and some bourgeois, arguing, forming groups where people stand and discuss, dispute, bellow, disagree, create an atmosphere where one feels that they are awake! This goes on twenty-four hours a day, while people pass in and out of the building, the lecture halls witness continuous meetings and committees and in the courtyard people go on arguing. Around the courtyard are the placards and proclamations, people sell the newspapers and hand out the sheets: trestle tables along the walls are ococupied by various groups selling their literature—Trotskyists, Communists, Maoists: I haven’t run across the Anarchists yet but I know they are there: their posters are edged in black. Walking out across the Place de la Sorbonne, you can see the same thing—groups, discussions, everywhere perfect strangers joining arguments, exchanging views, in an atmosphere of charged excitement which is impossible for me to communicate. The level of discussion is remarkably high, on the whole, and if you can imagine the sort of energy the French put into an argument between two drivers whose cars have collided, transferred to an argument about the organisation of the University, the class struggle, the whole organisation of our society, the possibility of revolution: all this conducted by a free-floating crowd of literally thousands of people, in the Sorbonne, in the street, in the cafes—this all going on day and night—then you may get some idea of the Quartier Latin at the moment.
The moment being 2.15 in the morning (Thursday), and the place being a crowded (at this hour!) cafe in the Place de la Sorbonne. If I were rather younger and a great many illusions richer, I might be tempted to believe in the revolutionary atmosphere all around me. For
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the atmosphere, if not the situation, is certainly one of revolution—
it reminds me a little of accounts I have read of the society in
Spain in the first days of the
revolution, feeling of excitement, of tension, of all sorts of possibilities for the future, the illusion that these people might, just might, put a really big crack in the structure of the society which they are questioning so fiercely. In the spectrum of opinion you can recognise the possible chronological pattern of hypothetical revolution, from reformists whose ideas are limited to the granting of certain concessions within—
well within—
the format of the set-
up as it is, through others who advocate a far greater degree of change in the status of the student, those who look for the fall of the present government without thinking much further (even those who would be satisfied with the resignation of a few ministers), those who want to see the students declare their solidarity with the workers, abandoning their present privileged position as those who are destined to be the bastions of capitalism, through to those who look to a total destruction of capitalist society and the establishment of a socialist society of one sort or another, and those who talk as if the revolution were scheduled for tomorrow, or the day after at the very latest. Here it all is, in words at least.
And what will come out of it? Not much perhaps: in fact, my guess would be, concessions in words from the government, soothing noises, a few reforms, a scapegoat or two—the Préfet of Paris, for instance, who did not want to send the police in to the Sorbonne in the first pace—and then, nothing. For a while, the question is: is the feeling underlying this revolt so strong that it will break out again? I believe it is: this is absolutely not a question of mild student discontent within the framework of the education system, although it may appear that way, and may have started that way. It looks to me like a deep-rooted discontent and dislike of the whole structure of society together with a total distrust of the discredited leaders of the left. Those of the right are scarcely mentioned, even de Gaulle and Pompidou are not names one hears often, and when one does it is in tones of dismissal. There is no need to attack them in words: they are there, that’s all. In fact, there is a very remarkable lack of names—plenty of initials of left wing parties, but no names. No “Leaders” in the old sense: nobody’s leading.
4.10 a.m. Les Halles, always a sight worth seeing—Paris’s belly, Zola called it, with its almost blocked streets, its furious activity, its enormous articulated lorries bringing in fish from Brittany and the <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: south-west">south-west, cheese from Normandy, milk from all over the place. How very far from the atmosphere of the Sorbonne: the students may express solidarity with the workers, but how much solidarity do these workers feel for the students? A certain amount, perhaps, since one of the student grievances—not one that is well publicised however—is that so few children of the working class get to university.
9.20 a.m. This morning I have been with Sorbonne students effecting liaison with the medical students, who are not so enthusiastic or so
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well organised. In fact, the Sorbonne people were on picket duty, persuading the medical students to keep up the strike and not enter into discussions with the teaching staff. It is remarkable to see: dispute, argument, persuasion, but never the faintest suggestion of a fist raised in anger. If in normal times Sorbonne students went to the Faculty of Medicine and dared to try to tell them what to do, they would be thrown out, but now the students must above all stay together, otherwise the movement is done for.
View from the Island
On Saturday the Students’ Union held its defiant demonsration. Boycotted once more by the communists, dismissed as pointless folly or crazy adventurism by many well-wishers, it nevertheless mustered a good 30,000 marchers. I join in near the head of the column, behind the proudly waving red and black flags. I’ve never marched under anarchist colours before, but what the hell. Students are laughing at the Humanité report of a speech by <span data-html="true" class="plainlinks" title="Wikipedia: Waldeck-Rochet">Waldeck-Rochet: “Our flags are not those of anarchy but the red flag of socialism and the tricolore, the flag of the nation.” But this week the tricolore and the Marseillaise belong to de Gaulle; they’ve never been so clearly the symbols of conservatism.
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I am writing this in the courtyard of the Sorbonne. I look up to the roof, and there flying in the wind is a sight I have never seen before: a flag with no decoration, no addition, no national symbol: a plain red flag. And I can’t stop myself from shedding tears.
8.45 p.m. Saturday, May 25th. I ought to have kept a detailed day-
by-
day account of what I have been doing and what has been happening, but I have been very busy. I have just filled in notes for the last week in my tiny diary, and this helps, but there are still
lacunae. I slept most of Thursday, promising myself I would start work the next day, and spent the evening at the Sorbonne talking to people and joining in the arguments in the courtyard. Several times I was asked by students what I, as a foreigner coming fresh to these events, thought of all that I saw; they seemed heartened by the fact that I was impressed. One girl said, “You see, we have been in it all the time, and sometimes we wonder if it isn’t all just talk, talk, talk.” I told her that one of the things that had impressed me most was the talk, the fact that people, all sorts of people, were arguing, and particularly that the arguments so often started from premises which, although I accepted them, I was startled to find the jumping off point of arguments. It was not a question of “Is there something wrong that can be put right?”, “Should we change our society and if so in what way?”. No: so many people seemed to accept that the society had to go, and the question was, what sort of a society was to take its place, and how could the change be brought about.
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Certain key ideas recurred again and again; the two most important as far as I could see were “
autogestion” and a rejection of the
consumer society. The original student demands had included participation in the running of universities, but now it was a question of workers’ control of the factories as well as student control of the
colleges. As for the consumer society, I was amazed at the vehemence both of the posters and slogans plastered all over the building, and of the people who spoke of it. Everywhere, it seemed, the idea of prosperity and progress seen in terms of consumer goods, money, afgluence, television and the motor car was denounced and attacked. Sometimes the arguments against it were based on the concept of affluence as the weapon of a capitalist society; but quite as often, no such analysis was made, the speaker or writer seeming to express himself from the point of view not of left-
wing politics but of deep personal awareness that money and material things do not bring happiness. Oh yes indeed, quite the most banal and anti-
climactic of platitudes, isn’t it? I too cringed when I first heard it that Thursday evening, but one of the remarkable aspects of the whole business was the resuscitation of the platitude. Solidarity between worker and student, unity of the left, comradeship between man and man, between man and woman, the spirit of the barricades, were concepts which had reality and truth. Many might sneer—
few did, in fact; for me, certainly, the tired old ideas were reborn.
On Friday, I did a little work at the Bibliothèque Nationale, very unenthusiastically. On Saturday, however, I got very interested in a particular edition of a novel which seemed matter for an article, and worked madly all day. I was at the Sorbonne again that evening; that was the night I went on to the Odéon.
The Odéon Théâtre de France was taken over by students, including drama students, and was thrown open 24 hours a day as a free forum for discussion. It is a remarkable sight, the house packed with people, and three or four organisers in the centre aisle trying to direct the discussion. I say trying, because it is an appallingly difficult task. What happens roughly is that everyone is invited to put forward his views, and at any given moment, in a crowded theatre, a number of people would like to air their opinions, whether from delight in hearing their own voice, pleasure in showing off before a large audience, violent disagreement with the last speaker or the one three before him, disagreement with some other aspect such as the whole idea of a free forum unless it allows only the expression of the correct views, disagreement with the handling of the proceedings, desire to beat the last speaker’s head in, wish to break up the proceedings, desire to help along the argument, or a wish to silence everyone who is making such a racket and spoiling the whole affair for everyone, and why do all these people yell so that you can’t hear the speaker, so you bawl at the top of your voice “SILENCE”.
And yet there is—
to use one of the key words, even if it is overworked, of this period—
a dialogue. Workers do manage to stand up and say their piece, people do listen, people do start to try to see other
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people’s position, even learn from them. I stayed at the Odéon for four hours, till four in the morning.
Then I slept on Sunday till nearly midday, got up and went to the ménagerie at the Jardin des Plantes. I fed peanuts to the elephant, admired the alligators, crocodiles, turtles ant tortoises, flamingoes, saw a just-born baby bison lying on the ground panting, saw several fine gorillas and some heavily moulted camels.
I continued to the Bois de Vincennes, and there, in search of some green and perhaps a goose or two, failing which, a mallard, I passed through quite the largest functioning fairground I ever saw. Well, it was marked green on the map. However, I got to the other end and found green—in fact, for Paris, an enormous expanse of green: you can walk quite a hundred yards before coming to a “Keep off the Grass” sign. Well, anyway, ninety yards. I walked this, and then came to a lake, with an island in the middle and a causeway to the island, so that people can saunter across to the island and walk round on the paths admiring the elegant “Keep off the Grass” signs. I preferred to walk around the lake, eyeing the ten yards of water between the mainland grass and the island grass, each equally combed, brushed, barbered, groomed, titivated, beautified, rolled and beaten into a state of supine submission. However, there are ducks and some swans, who do not Keep off the Grass at all, but walk flatly on it, their large flocks of offspring quacking behind. There are a great number of ducklings, many of them swimming in blocks of twenty to thirty, each accompanied by several ducks.
I stopped near a rather short middle aged man who, at a spot where the grass had been swept away to allow the gravel path to go to the edge of the water, was complaining bitterly. It appears that the gentleman was feeding the ducks, and had thrown bread near one of two cygnets. When a duckling had gone after it, one of the swan parents had attacked him—the duckling. The gentleman did not like this, and was trying to hit the swan with a stone. He sent his little girl—about six—granddaughter I think—to get him stones, but she came back with a branch, with which he tried to reach the swan, with much explanation to the people around. I engaged a dialogue with him, explaining that the swan was only trying to protect its young; that it was perfectly natural; that the duckling was unhurt; that if he (the gentleman) continued to try to hurt the swan, I (the speaker) would push him (the gentleman) into the water. He yelled and shouted and insulted me, and then stopped and went on feeding the ducks. The swan came a little closer in search of food, and the gentleman reached out waving his branch and trying to hit the swan, and as I had promised him, I pushed him in the lake.
That evening I discovered the anarchists at the Sorbonne. They are much more organised in France, much more politically active, and they have played a large part in the whole struggle. Since then I have had some interesting discussions with them, and often drop in there. They hold forums similar to those at the Odéon, except that theirs are held to tell people about anarchist ideas, to answer questions, and to
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allow debate on their theories. Unfortunately, these three functions in one meeting live very uneasily together. If you are going to tell people about your ideas, you stand up and address them. If you are answering questions about anarchism, someone asks a question, say, “What, comrade, is the place of bird-
watching in the future libertarian society after the revolution has destroyed the state, comrade?” and you stand up and answer, saying unto him, “In a libertarian society, comrade, bird-
watching will be one among many activities enjoyed by freedom-
loving anarchists living in an international federation, and there will be no frontiers to hinder birds from migrating from time to time to ther places for the pleasure of other anarchist bird-
watchers in those other places, comrade.” And if you are allowing debate on anarchist ideas, then the chairman should direct the argument without entering into it. The functions are incompatible, the consequences obvious and the forums less useful than they might be. However, when things do not get mixed up, they do in fact give the people who come a lot of useful information on anarchist ideas. Usually there is a brief summary of the idea of a federalist society and how it might be organised, as well as an attack on the parliamentary “democracy” in which the sole political activity of the mass, and its sole power, is to mark a cross on a piece of paper once every few years, and in France today, to say a blind unqualified yes or no to an elderly paternalist autocrat. Also, the forums may do a little to help dispel the aura of terror which in France still surrounds the words “anarchy” and “anarchist”.
On Monday I went to the BN, but they were short-staffed because of the Métro strike and were not opening the Réserve, where my books were. I went to the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, but they were not issuing books for the same reason. So I went back to the Sorbonne. That afternoon I met an American law teacher and freelance journalist called Joe, who was trying to get some personal stories on the “nuit des barricades” of 10-11 mai; as he speaks no French, I went along with him for the evening, and heard a remarkable account by the daughter of a French ambassador, a first-year medical student, about seventeen, tiny, with a very young face; she told of what had happened and how she had got on, and I was moved and appalled at the barbarity of the events, but much more at their juxtaposition to this little girl. I was conscious not so much of her sex, but of her youth; at the total incongruity of this tender thing, and the shields, the yard-long weighted truncheons, the nerve-jumping crack of grenades and the blindness and tears of the gas, the noise and the dirt of the street, and the fear. The fear of the CRS.