Difference between revisions of "Anarchy 89/Reflections on the revolution in France"
imported>Ivanhoe |
imported>Ivanhoe |
||
Line 20: | Line 20: | ||
{{star}} | {{star}} | ||
− | '''Revolution.''' </div> | + | '''Revolution.''' A timely re­minder that when you come down to it you have to go out into the streets and con­front the forces of the state. That in the end ony a trem­end­ous and ter­ri­fy­ing change in the way so­ciety is organ­ised can bring about what we want. That this will not hap­pen by itself, but that some­one has to de­cide to make it hap­pen. That we have to be pre­mature (only pre­mature action leads to mature action), that we have to make mis­takes (people who don{{t}} make mis­takes don{{t}} make any­thing), that we have to take risks (the blood of mar­tyrs is still, alas, the seed of the faith), that we have to begin by look­ing rid­ic­u­lous and end by look­ing futile. A re­mind­er of {{w|William Morris|William_Morris}}, in ''{{l|A Dream of John Ball|https://archive.org/details/dreamofjohnballa00morr}},'' pon­der­ing {{qq|how men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their de­feat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under an­other name}}. A re­minder of the dan­ger of re­volu­tion, in being what {{w|Engels|Friedrich_Engels}} called {{qq|the most au­thor­it­arian thing ima­gin­able}}, in pro­vok­ing counter-<wbr>re­volu­tion, in tend­ing towards nihil­ism, in ex­pos­ing one{{s}} weak­nesses and giv­ing away one{{s}} strengths, in rais­ing false hopes and bring­ing des­pair. |
+ | |||
+ | {{tab}}Tragic to be so near and yet so far. The young people tak­ing the streets, the in­tel­lect­u­als taking the uni­vers­it­ies, the work­ers tak­ing the fact­or­ies, the farm­ers on their tract­ors{{dash}}if only the work­ers had run the fact­or­ies that made cars to re­place those de­stroyed in the fight­ing, if only the farm­ers had sent food into the towns for no­thing and re­ceived tract­ors for no­thing in re­turn, if only the shops had opened and the pub­lic trans­port had run with­out pay­ment, what could the police or even the army have done? Who dare say it couldn{{t}} happen, after {{w|Russia}} in {{w|1917|October_Revolution}} and {{w|Spain}} in {{w|1936|Spanish_Revolution_of_1936}}? | ||
+ | |||
+ | {{star}} | ||
+ | |||
+ | '''Comités {{q|d|r}}action.''' The action com­mit­tees which sprang up in {{w|Paris}} are the obvi­ous des­cend­ants of the coun­cils and com­mit­tees ({{w|Soviets|Soviet_(council)}}) which have always spon­tane­ously ap­peared in pop­ular ris­ings of this kind. Here is the na­tural ad­min­ist­rat­ive unit of so­ciety which we want in place of the {{w|par­lia­ment|Parliament}}, {{w|ex­ecut­ive com­mit­tees|Committee#Executive_committee}}, {{w|re­pre­sent­at­ive coun­cil|Council}}, or what­ever, which takes de­ci­sions out of the hands of the people they af­fect. Here is the ad­min­ist­ra­tion of things which must come in­stead of the gov­ern­ment of people. | ||
+ | |||
+ | {{star}} | ||
+ | |||
+ | {{p|195}}'''{{qq|Group­us­cules}}.''' Odd how small polit­ical groups{{dash|such as the anarch­ists}}are often hated and feared by the estab­lish­ment, but are patron­ised and writ­ten off by many rebels. Surely both sides are wrong. They have no power, and yet in re­volu­tion­ary con­di­tions it is often their mem­bers who keep their heads and feed the ideas which the move­ment lives on. Of course tradi­tion­al­ists and sect­arians have little to con­trib­ute when things really begin hap­pen­ing, but con­scious ex­trem­ists still seem to have a part to play, and it is good to see them pul­ling to­gether when things do hap­pen. | ||
+ | |||
+ | {{star}} | ||
+ | |||
+ | '''{{w|Marxism}}.''' Inter­est­ing how it has man­aged to sur­vive what the {{w|Com­mun­ists|Communist_state}} and {{w|So­cial Demo­crats|Social_democracy}} have done to it between them, to say no­thing of the so­cio­logists. The {{w|liber­tarian Marx­ists|Libertarian_Marxism}} seem closer to {{w|Marx|Karl_Marx}} and {{w|Engels|Friedrich_Engels}} than the {{w|ortho­dox Com­mun­ists|Marxism‒Leninism}}, {{w|Trotsky­ists|Trotskyism}} and {{w|Mao­ism|Maoists}} one one side, and the various re­vision­ists and re­form­ists on the other. It is good that the anarch­ist strain in Marx­ism should be re­mem­bered. At the same time we should re­mem­ber the Marx­ist strain in anarch­ism; the early anarch­ists always ac­know­leged Marx{{s}} im­mense con­trib­u­tion to so­cial­ist thought, and most of us still stand on his ana­lysis of the class so­ciety. If we are glad to see some Marx­ists mov­ing towards us, per­haps we could see how far we can move towards them; Marx­ism with­out the party or the state isn{{t}} very far away. In the {{w|London}} demon­stra­tion of solid­ar­ity with the French on May 26th, it was sig­nific­ant to see the Inter­na­tional So­cial­ism and Solid­ar­ity groups wel­com­ing the anarch­ists in a com­mon front against the {{w|So­cial­ist Labour League|Workers_Revolutionary_Party_(UK)}} when {{w|Healy|Gerry_Healy}} and {{w|Banda|Michael_Banda}} tried to keep things under tradi­tional Trotsky­ist con­trol. The same kind of thing on a much larger scale seems to have been hap­pen­ing in France; the {{w|March 22nd Movement|Movement_of_22_March}} is de­scribed as an in­formal coali­tion of anarch­ists, {{w|situ­a­tion­ists|Situationism}}, Trotsky­ists and Mao­ists, united by com­mon action. The new un­formed, un­named {{w|Fifth Inter­na­tional|Fifth_International}} may get back to the ori­ginal aims of the {{w|First Inter­na­tional|International_Workingmen's_Association}} after more than a cen­tury. | ||
+ | |||
+ | {{star}} | ||
+ | </div> | ||
{{DEFAULTSORT: Reflections on the revolution in france}} | {{DEFAULTSORT: Reflections on the revolution in france}} |
Revision as of 11:39, 16 March 2018
revolution in France
Revolution. A timely reminder that when you come down to it you have to go out into the streets and confront the forces of the state. That in the end ony a tremendous and terrifying change in the way society is organised can bring about what we want. That this will not happen by itself, but that someone has to decide to make it happen. That we have to be premature (only premature action leads to mature action), that we have to make mistakes (people who don’t make mistakes don’t make anything), that we have to take risks (the blood of martyrs is still, alas, the seed of the faith), that we have to begin by looking ridiculous and end by looking futile. A reminder of William Morris, in A Dream of John Ball, pondering “how men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their defeat, and when it comes turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under another name”. A reminder of the danger of revolution, in being what Engels called “the most authoritarian thing imaginable”, in provoking counter-
Tragic to be so near and yet so far. The young people taking the streets, the intellectuals taking the universities, the workers taking the factories, the farmers on their tractors—
Comités d’action. The action committees which sprang up in Paris are the obvious descendants of the councils and committees (Soviets) which have always spontaneously appeared in popular risings of this kind. Here is the natural administrative unit of society which we want in place of the parliament, executive committees, representative council, or whatever, which takes decisions out of the hands of the people they affect. Here is the administration of things which must come instead of the government of people.
Marxism. Interesting how it has managed to survive what the Communists and Social Democrats have done to it between them, to say nothing of the sociologists. The libertarian Marxists seem closer to Marx and Engels than the orthodox Communists, Trotskyists and Maoism one one side, and the various revisionists and reformists on the other. It is good that the anarchist strain in Marxism should be remembered. At the same time we should remember the Marxist strain in anarchism; the early anarchists always acknowleged Marx’s immense contribution to socialist thought, and most of us still stand on his analysis of the class society. If we are glad to see some Marxists moving towards us, perhaps we could see how far we can move towards them; Marxism without the party or the state isn’t very far away. In the London demonstration of solidarity with the French on May 26th, it was significant to see the International Socialism and Solidarity groups welcoming the anarchists in a common front against the Socialist Labour League when Healy and Banda tried to keep things under traditional Trotskyist control. The same kind of thing on a much larger scale seems to have been happening in France; the March 22nd Movement is described as an informal coalition of anarchists, situationists, Trotskyists and Maoists, united by common action. The new unformed, unnamed Fifth International may get back to the original aims of the First International after more than a century.